Farid Ghadry of the Reform Party of Syria published a scathing diatribe on his weblog, and in an interview with Bahia Mardini of Elaph (Arabic. 3/25/06), he blasted Khaddam's past, his lack of popular support. He claimed that Khaddam has no backing from the US government, and that he [Ghadry] is lobbying US Congress members to include a clause in the "Freedom for Syria" act that would explicitly withhold US support from anyone with ties to corruption and crimes against the Syrian people, meaning Khaddam. He also expressed regret at the MB's willingness to work with Khaddam.
In contrast, US-based dissident Ammar Abdulhamid suggested in his English and Arabic weblogs that the Syrian opposition cannot afford to ignore the Khaddam-Bayanouni alliance, and indeed, is not: "Khaddam’s break with the regime and his reaching out to Bayanouni and other opposition figures has, in reality, introduced a different kind of dynamism onto the scene, and opposition figures can feel it in their bones. Despite the fact that few nay-sayers have already appeared (though I wouldn’t read too much in their nay-saying at this stage), most, I repeat, most active opposition figures inside and outside the country are talking to Khaddam and Bayanouni, directly or indirectly, while most of the rest are complaining about being excluded."
Participants in the Brussels meeting, like the Liberal National Democratic Gathering (Arabic. Ahrar Syria, 3/2/06) and its Secretary General Husam al-Dairi (Arabic. Al-Bawaba, 3/18/06), as well as the Kurdish Leftist Party (Arabic. Via "Free Syria", 3/24/06) all defended the meeting and expressed their solidarity with and support for the opposition inside Syria, insisting they were not seeking to replace it.
For his part, Bayanouni revealed that Khaddam had contacted the MB in 2003 and told them of his plans to defect. (Reuters, 3/25/06).
Finally, a series of essays by various Syrian activists debated the issue in the past few days with views falling somewhere within the spectrum outlined above: some were critical, some were supportive, and others adopted a pragmatic approach (some pointing out that the opposition inside Syria was at one point willing to work with Asad towards reform and gradual democratization, so why not do the same with Khaddam?).