The Syria Monitor

Regime Seizes Homsi's Assets

The Syrian regime has seized the assets of dissident and former MP Ma'moun Homsi with the purpose of pressuring him and his family. (Arabic. Reuters, 5/3/07).

Homsi's lawyer Haitham al-Maleh said that the financial prosecution of Homsi has led to stripping the ownership of the house where his family lives, and seizing real estate and moneys on which the family relies.

Homsi had called on the Syrian people to boycott the recent parliamentary elections, and strongly criticized the regime. He also revealed in a recent interview on the liberal Arabic website Aafaq, that he had sent a letter to Sen. Nancy Pelosi asking her not to come to Damascus. Homsi added that the idea of engaging the Syrian regime is "a very dangerous proposition cause next will be a call to engage terrorist organizations." (Arabic. Aafaq, 4/30/07).

Homsi was first arrested in 2001, during the crackdown against the so-called "Damascus Spring" movement. He was sentenced to five years for "attempting to illegally change the constitution." He left Syria in June 2006, and said that the regime's intransigence had left him no other option but to leave.

Reform Party Calls for Elections Boycott

The US-based Reform Party of Syria called on Syrians not to participate in the parliamentary elections this Sunday by not entering voting booths. (Arabic. AKI, 4/20/07).

The RPS's statement dubbed the booths, "the booths of humiliation," and called the elections a "mockery" and "another way for the Syrian regime to express its despotism and its cancellation of the people's opinion and their right to rule themselves in freedom and transparency."

The RPS said that the new parliament will be a mere clone of the current one which it dubbed "a puppet," adding that no real independents will make it into parliament except if they were "cronies of the Assad mafia."

Former MP Homsi slams Syria elections

Dissident former MP Ma'moun Homsi, who fled Syria earlier this year, called on Syrians Friday to boycott this weekend's parliamentary elections, which he dubbed illegitimate. (Middle East Times, 4/20/07).

Homsi said in a statement, "the security services are leading the elections, fielding whichever candidates they want, and excluding those they do not want using various means. ...  Where is freedom when jails are growing and are filled with intellectuals and politicians and lawyers who were thrown there for no other crime than expressing their views. ... I add my voice to that of my brothers in the opposition, and call upon [Syrians] not to participate in these elections in order to prove to the world that they are illegitimate, and merely preparing for illegitimate presidential elections. They are unconstitutional and don't abide by international standards or the ambitions and right of the people to choose its leaders." (Arabic. AFP, UPI, via al-Mustaqbal, 4/21/07).

Homsi added, "as for the oversight role of Parliament, this regime has torpedoed this right when it threw two independent MPs from Damascus [Homsi and Riad Seif] in jail for five years. This incident became a lesson to all MPs and to anyone who tries to criticize the regime."

Homsi was jailed for five years for seeking to "illegally change the constitution" and was eventually released January 18 this year with four other dissidents.

He left Syria following the detention of another fellow dissident - Michel Kilo. 

RPS Activity in the US (11/6)

The Reform Party of Syria declared that it has intensified its contacts with the US administration the last couple of weeks. (Arabic. Elaph, 11/1/06). A statement by the Party said the purpose of the contacts was to stress the plight of the Syrian people and the hopes for democratization especially in light of the current chatter about possible shifts in US policy in the Middle East.

The statement expressed its concern regarding  coordination with the Iranian and Syrian regimes, as they are both enemies of democracy and freedom and "will not allow the success of any democratic experiment either in Iraq or Lebanon." It added that any democratic leadership that believes that a deal is viable with such regimes is deluding itself, as such a deal would only empower these regimes to fight freedom in the region.

The statement described any such policy as against the interests of the US and the people of the Middle East.

NSF Activity in the US (11/6)

On October 20, The New York Sun reported that the National Salvation Front (NSF) was planning on opening an office in Washington. The report added that representatives from the NSF had met with National Security Council Officials on August 24.

Two NSF representatives, Husam al-Dairi and Ammar Abdulhamid, met again with NSC officials on October 26. According to an NSF source, they discussed mechanisms of democratic change in Syria. (Arabic. Levant News, 10/27/06). The report added that the NSC officials said that the White House welcomes the opening of the NSF office in DC.

Moreover, an unnamed State Department official told UPI that the US administration does not mind the NSF opening an office in DC and that the US "is ready for dialogue with any Syrian gorup or party that respects the rule of law and the principles of democracy and the principles of peaceful and legal opposition." (Arabic. Levant News, 10/27/06).

The NSF's Abdel Halim Khaddam told AKI that the Front does not have any hang-ups about talking to the US or the international community as it is all in the interest of the Syrian people and its future. He also said he was not worried about how the NSF meeting with US officials might be used for regime spin or propaganda. (Arabic. AKI, 10/30/06). He added that the NSF is interested in making its case both in the international and Arab arenas.  He stressed that the NSF would continue its diplomatic activity  to explain the plight of the Syrian people, adding that the Front "welcomes the understanding of the NSF's goals by any foreign state, Arab or Western."

Khaddam was also received by King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Khaddam, who confirmed the meeting took place, reiterated his belief that the regime is "neither reformable nor viable." (Arabic. Aljazeera.net, 10/22/06).

The Kilo Fiasco (11/6)

On October 19, reports came out that Beirut-Damascus Declaration (BDD) signatory, Michel Kilo, would be released on bail, leaving Anwar al-Bunni and Ali Shehabi as the last two signatories still in detention. (Arabic. AKI, 10/19/06). Bunni is reportedly facing charges of contacting enemy sides and belonging to an organization of an international character without government permission, as well as disseminating false news. (Arabic. Elaph, 10/9/06).

However, it quickly became apparent that Kilo was not going to be released. His family confirmed that despite the judge's signature on the release request and the payment of the bail, Kilo remained in jail. (Arabic. Elaph, 10/20/06). Rumors began circulating that the Syrian authorities would not allow Kilo's release. (Arabic. Elaph, 10/21/06). It then came out that there was clear political interference in the judicial order. (Arabic. Elaph, 10/21/06). One report claimed that, based on information from the Syrian Human Rights Observatory, "a prominent figure from the first rank of the Syrian regime" flagrantly interfered in order to prevent Kilo's release. (Arabic. Elaph, 10/22/06).

It is worth noting that Kilo's lawsuit against a regime-hired pen (Arabic. Elaph, 8/26/06), who accused him of receiving money and operational directions from an anti-Syrian Lebanese Minister to support terrorist acts in Syria (Arabic. AKI, 7/25/06), was also rejected after alleged interference from the office of Maher Assad, the President's brother, who is close to the journalist in question. (Arabic. Levant News, 9/29/06).

Political interference soon became manifest when additional, more serious charges, including "exposing Syria to the danger of hostile acts," were brought against Kilo and three recently-released (Arabic. Levant News, 9/25/06) BDD signatories, Mahmoud Issa, Khalil Hussein, and Suleiman al-Shammar.  (Arabic. Elaph, 10/22/06). An order went out to rearrest them and detain them in the Adra prison.

The following day, the security forces raided Mahmoud Issa's house and re-arrested him. (Arabic. Elaph, 10/23/06).

In response, Kilo, Bunni, and Kamal Labwani launched a protest hunger strike which ended on 11/4. (AFP, 10/30/06). Meanwhile, Syrian and international human rights organizations strongly attacked the Syrian judiciary over the Kilo fiasco calling it "a judicial scandal." (Arabic. AKI, 10/25/06). The Kilo affair was covered by Reporters Sans Frontieres. (French. 11/2/06).

A German-based opposition group, The Party of Modernity and Democracy for Syria, declared it was holding a sit-in and a hunger strike of its own in solidarity with the Syrian detainees. (Arabic. AKI, 10/31/06). The hunger strike ended yesterday.

In related news, another recently-arrested BDD signatory, Ali Shehabi, was also denied release. (Arabic. Elaph, 10/22/06).

News Round-Up (9/14-19)

9/14 - The secretariat general of the National Salvation Front (NSF) held its second meeting in Brussels (9/13-15), where it decided to accept five new members representing various Kurdish movements. (Arabic. AKI, 9/14/06). According to information obtained by AKI, it was decided to expand the framework of the Front internally in Syria and externally on the road towards establishing a democratic state in Syria. Also, the Front reportedly decided on a media strategy and to launch a private TV station for the Syrian opposition. (See 9/19 below for more).

9/15 - Abdel Halim Khaddam spoke to UPI at the NSF conference in Brussels. (Arabic. Via "Free Syria," 9/15/06). The lengthy interview covered a range of issues. Khaddam said that "the Front's activity had so far been focused outside Syria, while maintaining contacts with the [Syrian] interior. However, in the upcoming stage it will move inside [Syria] in order to accelerate the process of change." Khaddam refused to give details on the methods that the NSF will use to communicate with the Syrian interior citing "security reasons."  He only said that "the Front is moving to activate communication inside [Syria] and to mobilize public opinion in Syria." Khaddam denied being contacted by any Arab state in the aftermath of Bashar Assad's speech in which he attacked Arab states that criticized Hezbollah for provoking the recent war with Israel. He added that Assad "has crossed the point of no return and has made his choice, pulling himself out of the Arab circle and placing himself in the Iranian circle." As for Hezbollah's war, Khaddam said that Bashar Assad "follows his father's advice and wants to bleed Israel through Hezbollah."

9/18 - The National Organization for Human Rights in Syria (NOHR) reported that the Syrian authorities arrested Muhammad Darwish, an activist in the Committees for the Revival of Civil Society. (Arabic. Elaph, 9/18/06). The NOHR press release said that Darwish had been called in for questioning by Military Intelligence in Damascus and had not been let go since. NOHR added that there was no warrant for the arrest and thus the detention is illegal, and that Darwish should either be charged and referred to court or released. The Syrian Human Rights Committee (SHRC) later reported that Darwish was released a couple of days later. (Arabic. SHRC, 9/29/06).

9/19 - Nasr Hassan, member of the NSF's secretariat general, wrote that the Front adopted at the Brussels meeting a basic document (Arabic) detailing its views on civic rights for Syrian citizens. (Arabic. "Free Syria," 9/19/06). The document lays out the various freedoms and rights that the Front adopts, and expresses its commitment to basic human rights as laid out in universal declarations and international treaties.

9/19 - Veteran Kurdish activist and member of the NSF's secretariat general, Salah Badreddine, told UPI at the Brussels conference that after deciding to expand its secretariat general, the NSF has agreed to coordinate with the Damascus Declaration groups and to open channels of dialogue with tribal leaders inside Syria at a later stage. (Arabic. Via "Free Syria," 9/19/06). Badreddine said that he would be coordinating with Khaddam and Bayanouni on joint peaceful activism inside Syria between the Kurdish groups that he represents and groups that support the NSF. While denying that any Arab state supported the conference, Badreddine said that NSF delegates would soon be visiting Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Jordan, and maybe Iraq in the future, and would also hold meetings with Lebanese democratic forces, such as the Future Movement or the March 14 groups. On the international scene, Badreddine said that the US would head the list along with Britain and France. He added that all the US officials he's met, Republicans and Democrats, including State Department officials and members of Congress, agree that the Syrian regime is dictatorial and an exporter of terrorism and must be changed, as he put it.

9/19 - Elaph reported that the security services had arrested journalist Muhannad Abdel Rahman. (Arabic. 9/19/06). According to Elaph, Abdel Rahman wrote for the Kuwaiti al-Siyassah, which follows an anti-Assad editorial line. Lately, the report added, he began publishing interviews with Syrian dissidents in The Syrian Democratic Forum, the publication of The Syrian Democratic Assembly, a European-based group.

Reporters Without Borders (RSF) also issued a press release on Abdel Rahman's arrest. (IFEX, 9/22/06). The report noted that "Abdulrahman, 25, was picked up by security services in Damascus on his return from the village of Qamishly, in Syrian Kurdistan, where he had interviewed a Kurdish political leader. His family has had no news of him since his arrest." RSF added that Abdel Rahman wrote for Rezgar, an online secular Leftist news and opinion site. His work included numerous interviews and profiles of Syrian political figures.

9/19 - Elaph reported that detained dissident writer and professor Mahmoud Sarem (71) has been released. (Arabic. 9/19/06). Another report by the Syrian Human Rights Committee (SHRC) confirmed that Sarem was released on bail. (Arabic. SHRC, 9/29/06). Sarem was arrested in September 2005 and faced charges of weakening the morale of the nation and nationalist sentiment, and conducting acts aimed at armed rebellion. Sarem had described the ruling regime as fascist.

Two Groups Join Syrian Democratic Coalition (7/10)

A statement released today by the Syrian Democratic Coalition (SDC), a coalition of seven Syrian opposition groups, announced that two new groups have joined the coalition: "The Syrian Democratic National Gathering (SDNG), a political organization that was formed in 1986 in Syria and that is led by Marwan Hammoud, and the Solidarity Council, a Kurdish organization with its leadership inside Syria."

The statement added, "[t]he announcement came from both groups while the seven parties, representing the Syrian Democratic Coalition, were meeting in Berlin to discuss the upcoming SDC conference that will be held in the Fall of 2006 in Washington DC."

The Vienna-based Hammoud had initially joined the National Salvation Front (NSF) but withdrew shortly after the NSF's conference in London last month.

The reason for the withdrawal seems to be related to disagreements over how members of the NSF's Central Committee were elected.

Ma'moun Homsi Interview (6/29)

Former reformist MP Ma'moun al-Homsi, who recently left Syria to campaign for the release of political prisoners and increased international pressure on the Syrian regime, was interviewed by Middle East Transparent (Arabic. 6/29/06). Here are  translated excerpts from the interview.

MET - Let's begin with the circumstances of your leaving Syria.

MH - My leaving Syria was a result of the escalation of the security crackdown by the regime and its arrest of prominent politicians, intellectuals and human rights activists in Syria under the pretext of their signing the Beirut-Damascus Declaration. These arrests were done in a deliberately insulting and humiliating fashion, in the open, for people and diplomats to see. ... Naturally, I expected to be included in the arrests as I was a signatory of the Declaration and I was with many of the brothers in the opposition and several choice lawyers at the side of the detainees for nearly a week during the interrogation phase. I did not leave out of fear of returning to prison. Rather, I found myself after a long experience in politics, since I began raising the banner of reform along with many of my colleagues inside and outside Parliament in order to save the country and return as much as possible of the stolen rights of the Syrian people, and after our initiatives and pleadings failed, we found ourselves in the ranks of our brothers in the opposition, whose stand with us in the Damascus Spring was honorable and encouraging. I realized after hitting against the intransigence of the regime and its rejection of all calls for reform and the repeated calls, domestic and foreign, for the release of prisoners of opinion and conscience, that it was my duty to go around the world and its free parliaments and carry the message of the Syrian people, urging the international community to take responsible action... and by that I mean action that goes beyond condemnation and urging and begging for the release of prisoners. These measures have become worthless facing an intransigent regime that has broken every treaty and international charter on human rights. It has also broken the country's constitution, whose principles go against the mentality of political detention, despite the fact that this constitution was formulated during the period of emergency laws and thus certainly does not meet the aspirations of the Syrian people. Nevertheless, the regime did not hesitate to violate even that narrow margin of freedom allowed by the constitution. The regime has deepened our misery and we no longer know whether it is defying the Syrian people with its behavior, or whether it goes beyond that to defying the international community. With this behavior, it has also raised important questions about whether the rights of the Syrians to freedom, democracy, and justice would be subject to narrow deals between the regime and the international community. Isn't the intention of the international community to move forward on securing that people stand shoulder to shoulder in the fight against the danger of extremism and hatred which are caused by many factors, most important of which is the state of authoritarianism that threatens misery to everyone?

MET - How did you find the economic, political, and security situation in Syria during the time period between your release from prison and your exit from the country?

MH - After getting out from prison, where I spent close to five years, I noticed a marked increase in corruption, and a growing neglect towards the state of poverty which has befalled many Syrians. In fact, the Syrian economy has become a monopoly of a limited number of people at the expense of the vast majority. I watched with sadness the connection between the increase in the repression and terrorizing of people and the increase in the political and social weakness of the reigme.

MET - How do you evaluate your time in prison?

MH - I had the privilege to be jailed. I have always considered my journey a single path to honestly represent the people who elected me, and I have made sure to voice their concerns and problems in parliament for ten years... I was determined to take this message to the government and the regime, but after several tries, over a long period of time, I realized that my duty is to take it beyond the government and the regime, to the entire world. This has instilled in me a strength and determination not to back down, and to accept the sacrifice that is much less than that of many honorable Syrians, who have paid with long years of their lives.

MET - Your colleague Riad Seif said after his release that at this stage, the calls for reform are no longer useful and that the demand is for change. What has made reform unworkable and has made change the primary demand?

MH - The msitakes of the regime have accumulated to such an extent that the situation became very complicated. Also, the international community has been lenient with regimes that have had a free hand with their people, and that have made fortunes from exploiting their people without any accountability or deterrence, so the complicated situation became even more complicated. Therefore, it seemed that there needs to be an effective cooperation that would lead these exploited countries to safety. Saving Syria and properly rebuilding it so as to avoid all the threats brought about by the authoritarian regime requires such cooperation. On the other hand, the Syrian regime has squandered all opportunities for reform, and has kept on breaking the extended hand of the opposition by increasing repression. And since the dangers are stark and the stakes high, it was necessary to declare the priority of peaceful rotation in power. The Damascus Declaration is a good expression of this priority.

MET - It seems that you're counting on an active international role. What if international changes fail to affect substantial change in Syria?

MH - The atmosphere of the region does not tolerate that. Every day things get worse and more complicated. The danger of extremism and the insanity of rooted hatred keep on rising. There is a general feeling that the painful situation from which the people are suffering today is partially the responsibility of the international community, particularly the West. The reality is painful and there is no other choice but salvation, and I'm hopeful that the hour of salvation is coming.

MET - Some Syrians look at you with the traditional view of businessmen who have entered politics to increase their gains. How do you comment on this point?

MH - The regime puts people who have worked hard to carry the message, concerns, and problems of the citizens before a rough choice. Some, not all, fall in the trap of this choice, because they too are part of the people who are suffering from low living standards. The choice is between small gains and simple financial incentives, or pressure, slander and false accusations, which often lead to imprisonment. The aim of the trade-off is clear: both choices lead to the silencing of those people and then to start parroting the views of the regime to the people, serving the regime's interests. ... I have not made a fortune, and I have suffered with the rest from the economic situation and the bad laws and legislation. Not once did I want or try to make money through the regime's exceptions. I have never sought the privileges normally offered to people close to the regime who have gained the regime's approval as a result of their parroting of the official line and their heaping of false praise on the regime.

MET - May I remind you that you too were once one of those who heaped praise on the regime.

MH - Indeed, I did sometimes praise it, because I was convinced then that reform is the goal. And I was praising points that I imagined we could use, in partnership with the regime, as building blocks. We wagered in the beginning that we could achieve reform, which I was calling for, and I was honest and with good intentions towards any move that I perceived as reformist. But I found myself like someone diving in the ocean. The closer I got to the bottom, the clearer the depths became. The praise which you criticized in your question was employed to encourage the regime to undertake more reformist steps. I quickly realized that it was a dead end. In fact, I have begun to pay for going down that road willingly and gullibly. I know the tax of this path. I used stress at the end of all my heated debates, and they are on the record, that I will pay the tax, quite simply, with conviction and honor, and nobody can change that truth. I know that all the topics I raised were tied intimately to the concerns of the Syrian citizens and their livelihood, be it the abuse of their rights by the sons and fathers of the officials, the violation of their freedom by the security apapratuses, or the demand of the establishment of a human rights committee in parliament, or standing up to corrupt deals. Every issue that touched on the concerns and interest of the people.

...

MET - The authorities accuse you of corruption and illegal practice in your business and tax evasion, how do you respond to these charges?

MH - I am ready to stand before the Syrian judiciary once it recovers. I know full well that these accusations were thrown at me in sync with my demands in parliaments. This is because slander and defamation always were tools viciously used by the regime against all those who protest its behavior and abuses. Suffice it to say that these various slanderous campaigns, which have not a shred of truth, once came after I received a large number of Damascene votes in the legistlative elections, when I spent half of my term in jail. ...

MET - Allow us to move to another topic. There have been remarkable contrasts in the way Syrians have responded to the National Salvation Front. How do you look to this Front?

MH - I respect everyone, and I hope they all cooperate, each from their angle and according to their vision. I have not defamed anyone nor will I attack anyone's patriotism. I am certain that the removal of tyranny will bring a free state and an honest judiciary, which I have known in Syria in previous eras. This judiciary could hold accountable those who have harmed the country and the people. Under democratic elections and an independent judiciary, no one will have immunity, and everyone will get their rights, and the corrupt and the despots will get their just punishment. An honest judiciary will decide. It's not up to me or anyone else to incriminate anyone or to call them traitors.

MET - What do you think of Law 49 which calls for the death penalty for anyone proven to belong to the Muslim Brotherhood. Do you agree to sign a petition calling for the revoking of this law?

MH - Of course I agree to sign it. I think everyone should have the right to peaceful expression of political opinions. Let me say that there were painful periods which Syria has experienced. There were mutual accusations about many abuses, for which the Syrian people paid a high price. The Syrians must face the facts, and this will not happen except through an independent judicial inquiry, which would define everyone's responsibility in what happened. Everyone who committed a crime against Syria and the Syrians should be held accountable.

MET - Mr. Ma'moun, what [message] are you carrying now? What are your priorities for the next stage?

MH - First, I'm carrying the call of freedom, to release and save the lives of the prisoners of opinion and conscience in Syria. I think it is the duty of the international community to apply effective pressure to save them from their misery. Many of them are old and suffer from various illnesses. Second, I will work with my Syrian brethren, Arabs and Kurds, and I will ask all the free people of the world to support us, to find new and peaceful ways to apply constant pressure in order to finally hold accountable those who have abused and continue to abuse the rights of the Syrian citizen, and so that this regime will know that Syria and its people are not the property of individulas, or a family.

MET - Any final words, Mr. Ma'moun?

MH - In all the elections I ran in for close to 20 years, my electoral motto was that I will remain faithful to my promise. Now, in these hard times I say, despite the fact that the regime is targeting me and insisting that the Arab brothers not host me, and to the last moment of my life, I will remain faithful to my promise, until, God willing, we reach freedom.

Kurdistan National Assembly of Syria Meets US Officials (6/27)

According to a statement by the Kurdistan National Assembly of Syria (KNAS), a delegation representing KNAS and the Kurdish National Congress of North America headed by Sherkoh Abbas met on June 22 with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and with members of the US Congress, as well as with State Department officials.

The statement further said, "The delegation attended discussion was concerning the status of Kurdish people in Syria and explained the views of the Kurdistan National Assembly of Syria. In addition, the delegation highlighted the gross violations against the Kurdish nation's human and national rights by the Syrian regime." It added, "These measures have resulted in lack of economic development, and have been accompanied by denial of publishing, broadcasting and education rights in Syria's Kurdish region or Kurdistan of Syria. The delegation stressed the necessity of an immediate end to these gross violations of the Kurdish human and national rights."

The Assembly also reportedly asked the Senate Foreign Relations Committe for a law "to liberate Syria, not in the same way Iraq was liberated, but in a peaceful manner," and asked for "greater support for the Syrian opposition."

Abbas also spoke to AKI about the visit and described the meetings as "constructive." He added, "we specified a number of goals and requests, including cooperation with Syrian opposition parties, Arab, Druze, Alawite, and others, and working with them in a common front." (Arabic. 6/27/06).

Abbas added that the meeting with the Senators "was coordinated a while ago," since "the US still supports our cause." He also said that the meeting with members of Congress touched on "offering financial aid through setting aside a budget for the Kurdish movement in Syria." As for the size of that aid Abbas said, "it would be determined by Congress next year."

He finally said that the US officials "were positive about supporting the Kurdish movement in Syria and developing it to be in step with opposition movements in the region."

Before the meeting, Abbas gave an interview to Radio Free Iraq (Arabic. Iraqhurr.org, 6/21/06). KNAS was formed after an inaugural conference in Brussels on May 27-29 (Arabic. kurdusa.com).

Meanwhile, Kurdish human rights sources in Syria said that the Syrian authorities have confiscated Kurdish lands and uprooted fruit trees owned by Kurds in the Raqqa province. The same sources added that lands and orchards owned by non-Kurds were not touched. In the aftermath of the incident, six Kurds were referred to a military court without any explanation. (Arabic. Levant News, 6/25/06)